Jul 7, 2013 | Views
Only 29 months ago, Egyptians were united in celebrating the removal of Mubarak’s 30-year rule and the triumph of what seemed a glorious revolution that had inspired many around the world. This week, the Egyptian people, back on the streets in their many millions, were deeply divided almost down the middle over the question of legitimacy.
Mohammed Morsi, the first democratically elected president in the history of Egypt, stated in his last official speech that he would defend ‘legitimacy’ with his life. To his supporters and most neutral observers, he clearly meant defending the civil democratic elections, reflecting the will of the people in the face of an overriding military intervention. Without this the entire process would be defunct. To his opponents, it was a thinly-veiled threat and ultimatum threatening civil conflict, for which he lost all claim to his privileges to office.
To read more, please click here
Jun 24, 2013 | News & Press
Today, the Equal Rights Trust, The Cordoba Foundation and 75 other civil society organisations issued a joint statement calling for an end to on-going human rights and humanitarian abuses against the stateless Rohingya in Rakhine state of Myanmar. The statement, which is simultaneously being issued by organisations on five continents and sent to the President of Myanmar and Myanmar embassies around the world, is an expression of global civil society solidarity regarding human rights protection of the Rohingya.
The Rohingya, a stateless minority of Myanmar, have endured decades of abuse, persecution and discrimination. One year ago, on 3 June 2012, the massacre of ten Muslims travelling in Rakhine State, following the killing and reported rape of a Buddhist woman, marked the beginning of a series of violent attacks against the Rohingya and other Muslim communities. The violence of June and October 2012 resulted in deaths, destruction to property, large scale internal displacement and segregation within Rakhine state of Myanmar. While up to 800 deaths resulting from the violence have been documented, it is believed that the actual number is in the thousands. The subsequent mass exodus has led to a rise of the numbers of Rohingya refugees fleeing to Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia and beyond.
One year after the violence began, its root causes, as well as on-going humanitarian and human rights concerns, remain largely unaddressed. Although both the Rakhine and Rohingya communities committed violence in June, the Rohingya were disproportionately victimised, including by security forces. Furthermore, discriminatory laws and practices against the Rohingya by the Burmese authorities, underpinned by their lack of citizenship, and their mistreatment in third countries, remain matters of concern.
The Joint Statement alerts the international community to several trends observed by civil society organisations over the past year, with regard to the crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Myanmar authorities; the lack of protection for Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers; the violence against the Rohingya and the impunity of perpetrators; the incitement to violence and government hate speech; the involvement of government officials and security forces; the displacement of the Rohingya; their urgent humanitarian needs; their statelessness; the segregation of the Rohingya and their property rights; the discriminatory restrictions on their family life and freedom of movement. The Joint Statement makes recommendations to the governments of Myanmar and refugee recipient countries and to the international community at large.
civil
Jun 21, 2013 | Views
In a previous piece for Fair Observer, I wrote about the plight of internally displaced persons (IDPs) who were victims of the Sri Lankan conflict at the hands of the LTTE, and who still remain without much hope of any viable solution today.
These victims, who have languished in camps for the last 23 years, have barely elicited a response except at election time when they become pawns of politicians. Recently, the politicisation and the ethnicisation of this agenda have pitted a Muslim politician against a Tamil religious leader in terms of who gets priority for resettlement — and effectively the bigger share of the resettlement pie. This development does not bode well for relations between the two communities
To read more, please click here
Jun 21, 2013 | News & Press
As part of our quest to improve our products and services, please participate in an anonymous online survey.
Please click here to participate
Jun 4, 2013 | News & Press
The Cordoba Foundation (TCF) rejects accusations made by Andrew Gilligan against our organisation in the Telegraph on 1 June 2013. Neither the TCF nor its partners recognise the picture painted by Mr Gilligan.
We have been accused as a ‘front organisation’ for the Muslim Brotherhood. Mr Gilligan tells his readers that this allegation was made by the Prime Minister when he was Leader of the Opposition in 2008, a time when hard-right ideologues such as the Policy Exchange (a think tank who was exposed for forging evidence in its report on ‘Islamism’ in 2007) would advise the Tories on its dealings with Muslims. We wrote to David Cameron in 2008 asking for him to substantiate his accusation. Other than a polite acknowledgement, nothing was forthcoming.
We are not surprised by Mr Gilligan’s latest missive against our organisation. The article containing his accusation against us is exactly the kind of cover that far-right extremists need to mask their campaign of hate since the horrific murder of Drummer Lee Rigby on 23 May. While mosques and British Muslims have been attacked and abused, Mr Gilligan has deployed Stalinist double-speak to play down these incidences. Mr Gilligan plays down these incidences even though Drummer Lee Rigby’s family and regiment has been moved to caution against reprisal attacks, in addition to showing their gratitude for the massive show of support given to the family by the Great British Public.
Just as the rest of the British Muslim community, we too condemn the murder of Drummer Lee Rigby. There is no cause that should justify his killing. It is a real shame that Mr Gilligan has deployed these underhand tactics to further his own divisive agenda. As before, we are in no doubt that the far-right will use Mr Gilligan’s words for their own messages of hate. We, on the other hand, will continue to to promote dialogue and understanding between cultures and civilisations, as well as fostering discussion with our collective efforts to stop this violence ever happening again.
TCF works to promote dialogue and understanding between cultures and civilisations as per its mission statement. Seeking to help resolve conflicts and tensions, TCF has been working (directly and through partner organisations) in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Middle East and North Africa, Bosnia, Sudan, amongst other places. Dr Anas Altikriti, CEO of the foundation, helped successfully negotiate the release of eleven hostages to date, including Western Christian peacemakers taken hostage in Iraq in 2005.
Jun 3, 2013 | News & Press
A One Day Forum THE SEARCH FOR HUMAN SECURITY was held on May 16th at Malaysia’s Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations (IDFR) which explored Islamic teachings on Diplomacy in the light of Peace Building and Human Security. The chief organizers were International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) Malaysia, IDFR, and The Cordoba Foundation (TCF). Their contributing partners were the Foreign Ministry of The State of Qatar and the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF). Twelve scholars and officials offered insights into the relevance of Human Security for the Islamic ideal of harmonious relations between nations.
Outstanding highlight of the Forum was the morning Keynote address
“Islam And Peace Making: Legacy And Promise” delivered by HRH Raja Dr Nazrin Shah Ibni Sultan Azlan Muhibbuddin Shah – Regent of Perak Darul Ridzuan, as well as the Royal Patron of IDFR. HRH gave an exemplary comprehensive overview of the current conditions of Muslim nations regarding human security. HRH stated that many Muslim nations are gravely lacking in its basic aspects, since “the comprehensive wellbeing of the people in a number of Muslim-majority countries leaves much to be desired.” Shortcomings include poverty, income inequality, poor educational and health care opportunities, political repression, and violent conflict. He pointed especially to the destabilizing effects of sectarian rivalry and tribal animosities which plague large areas of the Muslim world. HRH provided valuable insights into how our understanding of security should transcend the nation-state security paradigm, by adopting human and social requirements for developmental wellbeing and flourishing in harmony with Islamic teaching
In the evening of May 16th a large Banquet was held at the Ritz Carleton Hotel in KL hosted by the Embassy of The State of Qatar, where Y.A.Bhg Tun Abdullah Haji Ahmad Badawi (Former Prime Minister of Malaysia & Patron of IAIS) gave his Keynote speech on ‘Islam and Peace Building in the 21st Century’. HE Khaled Al-Attiyah was in attendance along with HE Dr Hassan Al-Muhannadi (Director of The Diplomatic Institute, The State of Qatar) and many other dignitaries. In his remarks Tun Abdallah Badawi spoke of the “Muslim dilemma” which hinders Islamic nations from contributing effectively to Peace Building and promoting effective human security. He cautioned those present not to be complacent about conditions prevailing in Muslim societies, and to creatively re-think the need for fresh approaches to security and peace.
This SEARCH FOR HUMAN SECURITY Forum reflects expanded engagement with contemporary issues of Islamic peace and security by the two institutes IAIS and IDFR, who held their first conference in October 2011 on ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVES ON PEACE AND SECURITY. These two Forums highlight the close link between security and peace, for the word “Islam” signifies both closely related principles.
This 2013 Forum was intended to energize efforts by Islamic governments, Muslim civic organizations, and international NGOs to devote more resources to peace building efforts, and to actively pursue shared efforts at reconciliation and humanitarian needs.
press_release
For more details of the forum, please click here
May 15, 2013 | News & Press
A one-day Forum on May 16th exploring Islamic teachings on Diplomacy in the light of global Peace & Security will be convened by IAIS-Malaysia with Malaysia’s INSTITUTE OF DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN RELATIONS (IDFR) and THE CORDOBA FOUNDATION (U.K.). The Contributing Partners include The State of Qatar and the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation.
Ten scholars and officials offer insights into the concept and practice of the Islamic ideal of harmonious relations between nations. This Forum reflects the ongoing collaboration between IAIS chaired by the famous scholar Professor Dr. Mohammad Hashim Kamali (CEO of IAIS Malaysia), and IDFR helmed by YBhg. Ambassador Dato’ Ku Jaafar Ku Shaari (Director General, IDFR), along with a new partnership of UK based think tank, THE CORDOBA FOUNDATION whose CEO is Dr. Anas Altakriti.
Highlights of this Thursday’s Forum include the morning Keynote Address delivered by His Royal Highness Raja Dr. Nazrin Shah Ibni Sultan Azlan Muhibbuddin Shah, Regent of the State of Perak Darul Ridzuan as well as Royal Patron of IDFR. Also giving Opening remarks will be the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from The State of Qatar, His Excellency Dr Khaled bin Mohammad Al Attiyah; and the Foreign Minister of Malaysia.
In the evening a Banquet will be held at the Ritz Carlton Hotel in Kuala Lumpur sponsored by the Embassy of The State of Qatar, where YABhg. Tun Abdullah Haji Ahmad Badawi (Former Prime Minister of Malaysia and Patron of IAIS Malaysia) will deliver the Keynote speech on ‘Islam and Peace Building in the 21st Century’. HE Khaled bin Mohammad Al Attiyah will also attend. Guests are by invitation only.
This Forum reflects serious attention devoted to issues of Islamic Peace by IAIS and IDFR. In October 2011 the two institutes held their first conference ‘ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVES ON PEACE AND SECURITY’. The May 16th Forum highlights the close link between security and peace, since the word “Islam” signifies these two closely related ideas. There are two Panels: the morning session chaired by Dr Anas Altakriti on ‘Diplomacy – The Islamic Legacy’ includes Tan Sri Professor Dr Mohd Kamal Hassan (Distinguished Professor, ISTAC), Dr Hassan Al-Muhannadi (Director – Diplomatic Institute, The State of Qatar), Dr Karim Douglas Crow (Principal Fellow – IAIS and Mr. Amjad Saleem (The Cordoba Foundation, UK). The afternoon session is a Round Table exchange with the theme ‘In Search of Human Security’ chaired by Professor Chandra Muzaffar (JUST), including Professor Dr M. Hashim Kamali (CEO of IAIS Malaysia), the Chief High Priest Venerable Datuk K Sri Dhammaratana, Tuan Haji Nasharudin Mat Isa (Chairman of Al-Quds Foundation) and Mr. Asrul Daniel Ahmed (Global Movement of Moderates Foundation [GMMF]).
The ISLAM & DIPLOMACY Forum seeks to energise efforts by Islamic governments and Muslim civic organizations to take peace building more seriously, as well as shared efforts at reconciliation and humanitarian needs. The following morning Friday May 17th a closed door Workshop will take place at IAIS to plan a common strategy for policy dissemination, capacity building, and joint future activities. It is proposed that a Network be established to be known as the Islamic Forum for Peace & Security. This Forum could be structured as a global network of institutions both private and public linking Ministries, think tanks and International NGOs to advance Islamic solutions to conflict and violence.
[End]
Notes to editors:
1) For media enquiries please contact the following people:
– MAJOR MOHD RIDZUAN MOHD SHARIFF (IDFR) – Email: ridzuan@idfr.gov.my Tel: 019-3528127
– MR MOHD NURUDDIN ABD MANAP (IAIS Malaysia) – Email: mohdnuruddin@iais.org.my Tel: 013-2573667
– MR AMJAD SALEEM (TCF – UK) – Email:amjad@thecordobafoundation.com Tel; +44 7941 008738
Apr 11, 2013 | News & Press
Iraq is edging closer to civil war and break up into separate states, with almost none of its pre-invasion promises coming to fruition, experts warned at a ground-breaking conference held on the future of the country in Central London.
Ten years after the fall of Baghdad, policy-makers, politicians, academics, military experts, ex-senior military officials and voices from across the Middle East converged at The Commonwealth Club in London (8th April) to debate Iraq’s future and its bloody past decade.
Watched by international media, Dr Anas Altikriti, CEO of The Cordoba Foundation, reflected on his time as a hostage negotiator, attempting to secure the release of fellow conference speaker Professor Norman Kember and other hostages in 2005/6. He said: ‘The people of Iraq have been through quite a rollercoaster. But we didn’t just come and discover these problems in 2003: we have seen divisions for centuries.’
Co-organiser, Wadar Khanfar of Al Sharq Forum and former Al Jazeera director general, recalled seeing the signs of a ‘new’ Iraq as part of Al Jazeera’s bureau in the country: ‘Ten years ago I was covering the war in Iraq. I remember as I entered Baghdad that all the state buildings were on fire. It was not the image of a free Baghdad that people wanted to see.’
‘Ten years later I don’t see Iraq and Baghdad
as having moved forward.’ The failures, he said, could be traced back 100 years to the end of the First World War, with ‘deep suspicion’ among many observers about the latest conflict. He warned that three de-facto states could soon appear where now one (Iraq) exists.
‘Iraq is not at a crossroads,’ suggested Middle East Monitor director Dr Daud Abdullah, ‘it has passed it. The north is a de facto state, with Irbil not even talking to Baghdad about oil contracts. The world’s third-largest oil producer has 36% of its citizens living in poverty.’ He suggested that the presence of death squads and private militias was similar to the El Salvador “dirty war” in the 1980s, with current premier Al-Maliki concentrating power in his hands alone.
The attitude of the Americans and their allies was ‘naive, lacking depth and profundity’ prior to the 2003 invasion, said Professor Rosemary Hollis, former research director of Chatham House. ‘There was too much emphasis on elections, as though that would create democracy.’
Clare Short, former Minister for International Development, counselled 
against attempting to re-draw colonial boundaries, arguing it was time to ‘unite the region’ rather than recreate it. She referred to the former neo-conservative movement, the Project for a New American Century, and its ‘terrifying documents’ planning the (mythical) future of Iraq.
Various academic speakers, including Professor Phil Marfleet of University of East London, said that there was a dearth of academic research into Iraq post-2003, particularly the humanitarian costs, labeling this ‘the politics of denial’.
Dr Nabil Ramadhani of the Human Relief Foundation revealed shocking statistics showing the decline in living standards, increase in poverty, and the threats women face – attacks and sexual assaults – even travelling in their own neighbourhoods. ‘Iraqi women have paid a high price for the war and occupation of their country.’
Drawing the event to a close, Dr Altikriti said that the Iraqi people and the rest of the world had been offered a false choice between Saddam and what the Americans said they would bring afterwards. ‘There were other ways, other choices,’ he said, arguing that international law had been degraded and flouted, creating a world in which we were all now less safe and damaging democracy even here in the UK.
[End]
Notes:
1) Please click the links to get the conference briefing, the speaker profiles and the schedule for the conference
2) Please see below for a selection of photos (courtesy of Richard Chambury; William Barylo and Noridine Bendou)
Apr 7, 2013 | Views
Ten years ago, before the world’s mesmerised gaze, an iconic statue of Iraq’s former dictator was pulled down amid a throng of jubilant Iraqis. None of those present or bearing witness could have envisaged the extent, scope and depth of the pain that would ensue over the next decade.
Among those who danced in jubilation and took part in slapping the head of the statue with his slippers was a local taxi driver, Abu Ahmed Al-Mishadani. An Arab Sunni and 38-years-old at the time, he too saw this as the end of the darkest of eras and the start of a new dawn. Married to a Shi’i woman and with five children, his aspirations and hopes for the new era of freedom and dignity were unlimited. He had seen the inside of a Ba’thist prison cell and the fiery end of an electric rod too many times to allow himself a moment’s grief over the collapsing tyrant.
Yet since then he has been arrested three times, imprisoned for two-and-a-half years, tortured, had seven of his fingernails extracted, his skull fractured, both his legs and his left arm broken and his ‘honour’ violated more times than he can remember. This last description usually implies rape and sexual abuse, of which he is too ashamed to speak. Each time he was picked up by a different group: militia this, army that. Each time he pleaded with his captors to tell him the reason for his arrest. Each time he got no answer. The only answer that makes any sense to him is the one he gives to whoever cares to ask: I am a Sunni; that’s why. His wife Zahra’ nods in agreement.
Of course the experience of one individual cannot be used to paint a picture for an entire nation’s life across a whole decade. However, this story is repeated time and again with slight variations in the details, the injuries, the assailants and lasting wounds. There are Shi’as who tell similar horror stories, and Kurds and Turkmens and Christians and Sabians. Indeed, there are far too many stories to consider the experience of Abu Ahmed an isolated case of individual corruption and mishandling.
Ten years on, Iraq lingers at the bottom of the global transparency index, beaten only by five other more corrupt countries. Indeed, according to the very same American politicians who hailed the ‘New Iraq’, corruption is at an unimaginable and on an endemic scale. The Mercer Index points to Baghdad as the worst city in the entire world to live in, bar none.
More than 20 million Iraqis, or 76% of the entire population, do not have regular and constant electricity and/or clean running water. There is virtually no education and health system to speak of, the country’s infrastructure resembles something out of ancient times, hundreds of thousands of civilians have been killed, and more than five million driven into exile either within or outside Iraq. Furthermore, sectarianism has firmly taken grip of a country that, despite its former tyrannical regimes, never managed to dictate the social or political fabric of Iraqi society as attested by Abu Ahmed and hundreds of thousands of other Iraqi families where the make-up is a mixture of all of Iraq’s intrinsic and organic strands.
In the past few weeks, as we commemorated the 10th anniversary of the largest anti-war demonstration in British history – which I chaired – the 10th anniversary of the war and now the 10th anniversary of the occupation of Iraq, the question asked by most media commentators and presenters is: is Iraq better or worse now than under Saddam Hussein?
The question is unfair and any answer tells us nothing new. After all, who proposed that the Iraqis had only two choices: either the dark and tyrannical days of the Ba’thist regime, or the present misery, pain and inhumanity? Why can’t Iraqis condemn both and yearn for something else, far better, far fairer and far more humane? Why should Iraqis answer such an unreasonable question in order to exonerate either a pro- or anti-war position, when it’s clearly a subjective standpoint either way?
A decade on from one of the most controversial and divisive decisions in modern times, few can claim to have fared well. Not the occupying forces which, despite gaining an military victory, lost on so many other fronts. If reports and briefings by security advisors are anything to go by, heightened terrorism alerts in the UK and the US have much to do with Iraq and its ramifications.
The country has never been so close to an all-out civil war, nor has it been ever closer to breaking up into three separate entities, than it has now. With neighbouring Syria in a state of meltdown and Iran aiming to widen its net influence in the region, the impact of the Iraq failure may be felt far and wide – and not only by Iraqis destined to suffer another generation of abject misery.
Tony Blair, under whose premiership Britain went to war and subsequently occupied Iraq, may cite the disposal of Saddam Hussein and the guise of democracy in Iraq all he wants to prove that he made the right decision. The enduring legacy of that decision, however, will be that millions of Iraqis from across the country’s sectarian, religious and ethnic divides, have come to believe that they are now suffering far greater than they did under Saddam. And boy did they suffer. But for those who did – Abu Ahmed Al-Mishadani, his wife Zahra and thousands more like them, who celebrated the departure of the former dictator 10 years ago – are forced today to grieve over the loss of their collective humanity, dignity and dream.
The Cordoba Foundation along with The Sharq Forum, is organising an international conference on the 10th anniversary of the fall of Baghdad on Monday 8th April at the Commonwealth Club in central London.
Follow the conference on twitter (and join in the conversation) #Iraq10yrs
